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Tibetan Self-Determination Initiative: Strategy

Phase I – Unify and strengthen the Tibetan exile community
Phase II – Coordinate the Tibet support groups and focus their message
Phase III – Build worldwide support for Tibetan Self-Determination
Phase IV – Engage the Chinese Government

Momentum for the Tibetan Self-Determination Initiative began to accelerate in 2002. The Committee of 100 for Tibet endorses this initiative and has adopted self-determination as the primary focus of its efforts to advance the cause of the Tibetan people. The Committee encourages all Tibet support groups and individuals to support the Tibetans in this new initiative.

The overall strategy of the Tibetan Self-Determination Initiative is to employ both a carrot and a stick. The Tibetan community and their supporters will provide the stick by applying moral, diplomatic and economic pressure on China in the form of a coordinated public campaign. At the same time, this campaign will encourage and facilitate initiatives and negotiations via “honest brokers” that can help China resolve pressing domestic political, economic and social problems as well as international diplomatic, trade and image problems arising from the occupation of Tibet.

The approach of the initiative has four phases. The first and second phases involve building consensus amongst the Tibetans themselves and within the Tibet support groups. The third phase is to take the campaign to the world at large. The fourth phase is to engage the Chinese government in a process leading to an implementation of self-determination for the Tibetan people.



Phase I – Unify and strengthen the Tibetan exile community

The first phase focuses on the Tibetan exile community. Self-determination can be a contentious issue amongst Tibetans, particularly when it is confused with implementation processes like negotiations and referenda or with outcomes like autonomy and independence. In this initiative, we stress the principle of self-determination to distinguish it from the means of achieving self-determination or the outcome resulting from the Tibetans' exercise of self-determination.

If the Tibetans are going to negotiate a resolution to the Tibet problem with the Chinese, they need to enter the negotiations from a position of greater strength. The Tibetan movement is currently at a point of relative weakness. The first priority of the new initiative is to strengthen the Tibetan position by ensuring that the call for self-determination is grounded on the grassroots support of the Tibetan exile community. The Tibetans must clearly define their aspirations and set a common course for the Tibet support groups to follow. In this way, it can also be presented naturally to the Tibetan government-in-exile and debated by the Tibetan parliament.



Phase II – Coordinate the Tibet support groups and focus their message

Phase two focuses on the Tibet support community. This phase continues the effort to build the strongest possible position for the Tibetans. It also starts the process of building pressure on the Chinese to break the current impasse. Once the Tibetans have clearly defined their aspirations and set a common course, it is the Tibet support community’s role to create the strongest possible public campaign.

One of the greatest strengths of the Tibet movement is the diversity of its campaigns. It should be emphasized that it is not the intent of this initiative to ask any Tibet support group to change its campaigns, tactics or goals, or to surrender any of its autonomy. Instead, this initiative asks each Tibet support group to add a dimension to its own message – to add, not substitute, the common underlying call for self-determination for the Tibetan people inside Tibet. In this way, the Tibetan Self-Determination Initiative public campaign will manifest itself in many forms through a broad range of existing and future campaigns of Tibet support groups.

As part of phase two we plan an open conference on Tibetan self-determination for Tibetans, Tibet support groups and other supporters. The goal of this conference, tentatively scheduled for September 2003, is to explain the details of the initiative, get buy-in from a broad spectrum of supporters, coordinate support and organize workshops, if possible through the International Tibet Support Network (ITSN), to develop the actual changes the initiative will mean for individual Tibet support groups and supporters.





Phase III – Build worldwide support for Tibetan Self-Determination

The third phase of the initiative is to take the Tibet issue to the general public, using self-determination to unify, galvanize and strengthen the movement. The Tibetan people’s right to self-determination has been upheld repeatedly by the United Nations, the International Commission of Jurists, the U.S. and other governments around the world. We believe that the principle of self-determination – a fundamental right of all peoples – will resonate with a world that is paying increasing attention to human rights.

If the Tibetans are going to negotiate a resolution to the Tibet problem with the Chinese, the Chinese must be convinced to participate. The public campaign must enlarge and strengthen the circle of support for the Tibetans and pressure the Chinese into realizing that maintaining the status quo is no longer their easiest or best course.

We aim to present a consistent and focused message to the Chinese, and the world, that strikes at the root of all of Tibet’s problems. We need to make self-determination, along with other human rights, an integral part of doing business with China. Beijing should be clear that the answer to the Tibet problem is a fundamental restructuring of the political and economic processes to allow Tibetans more influence and control over the affairs that are immediate and important to them.



Phase IV – Engage the Chinese Government

The fourth phase of the initiative is to engage the Chinese government. With this initiative, we are truly looking for a viable long-term resolution to the Tibet problem. This means finding something that the Chinese cannot just live with, but feel is in their best interests. This means the Chinese must be convinced they have no better alternative. The Chinese are starting from a position of power. This means that the Tibetans may well have to compromise, just as we are expecting the Chinese to make certain concessions. We feel a critical component for the success of phase four is the role of an "honest broker." An organization, such as the UN, the Carter Center, or Kreddha, could play this role.

   
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12 December 2002

 
 
 
© 2008 Committee of 100 for Tibet